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    MODULE 4


    The Purpose of Module 4

    The purpose of this module is to provide an overview of the ESC rights of women.

    The module

    summarizes the current ESC situation of women internationally;

    discusses gender ideology and the impact of a gender perspective on specific ESC rights;

    reviews the history of the struggle for women’s rights to be recognized as human rights;

    explores some conceptual issues related to women’s rights;

    reviews international legal norms on women’s rights; and

    identifies challenges and opportunities for integrating women’s rights in ESC activism.


    When men leave their villages for better-paid jobs in cities or abroad, women get saddled with the farm work as well as their domestic chores.� When bloated state en�terprises “rationalise” their workforces, women get laid off before male “heads of household.”� When sweatshops seek underpaid casual labour, women are the first to be recruited.

    When newly rich men dabble in vice, village girls get dragooned into prostitution and middle-aged matrons wind up divorced.� Yet when fast-changing lifestyles provoke a traditionalist backlash, patriarchy reasserts itself with a vengeance.� When inflation bids up dowries and social pressures depress birth rates, girl babies get aborted or murdered in their cribs to make way for male heirs. When the resulting skew in the sex ratio makes for a shortage of marriageable women, a black market arises for kid�napped brides. [1]

    This excerpt from the magazine graphically captures the mul�tifaceted discrimination and exploitation faced by women.� Processes of political and eco�nomic transformation that have changed the face of the world over the past decades have had a profound impact on the lives of women.� Many of these changes have been positive.� Some, however, have strengthened the bonds of subordination and discrimination against women, restricting them from enjoyment of their economic and social rights.� Internal conflicts and wars have led to displacement and destruction of property and livelihoods, which place women in an ever more vulnerable position.� Military conflict also results in an increase in violence and crime, and women and girls become particular targets.� Extremism and religious fundamentalism deny women’s autonomy and subject them to the most cruel and inhuman of punishments for “transgression” of norms laid out by those in power within the hierarchies that rule these movements.�

    The rapid globalization of the world’s economies has brought in its wake not only structural adjustment programs that weaken national economies and nation-states, but also promotion of forms of industrialization and agriculture that are more exploitative of both human and natural resources.� Statistics show that the female labor force is the most affected.� In addi�tion, as the poor of the world become poorer, women become the poorest of them all; the “feminization” of poverty is a reality in the contemporary world.� A decrease in social spending—for example, on public health, education, transport, food and fertilizer subsidies—has been a critical part of the “structural adjustment programs” imposed on many countries by the international financial institutions.� This decrease has had a disastrous impact on the quality of life of populations in general, and on disadvantaged communities, such as women, in particular.� (See Module 26 for more on this issue.)

    The United Nations Development Programme’s high�lighted various areas in which women fare worse than men in accessing as well as enjoying ESC entitlements:

    Literacy—Women are much less likely than men to be literate.� In South Asia, female literacy rates are only around 50% those of males . . . in Nepal 35% . . . Sudan 27%.� Women make up two-thirds of the world’s illiterates.

    Higher education—Women in developing countries lag far behind men.� In Sub-Saha�ran Africa, their enrolment rates for tertiary education are only a third of those of men.� Even in industrial countries, women are very poorly represented in scientific and technical study . . .

    Employment—In developing countries women have many fewer job opportunities, the employment participation rates of women are on average only 50% those of men (in South Asia 29% and in Arab States only 16%) . . . Wage discrimination is also a feature of industrial countries: in Japan, women receive only 51% of male wages.� Women who are not in paid employment are, of course, far from idle.� Indeed, they tend to work much longer hours than men . . .

    Health—Women tend on average to live longer than men.� But in some Asian and North African countries, the discrimination against women—through neglect of their health or nutrition—is such that they have a shorter life expectancy . . .

    National statistics—Women are often invisible in statistics.� If women’s unpaid housework were counted as productive output in national income accounts, global output would increase by 20-30%. [2]

    Understanding Gender Ideology and Its Practice

    The question of gender is normally ignored in the development of policies or programs for dealing with economic, social and cultural issues.� The 1995 UNDP rightly stated, “For too long it was assumed that development was a process that lifts all boats . . . that it was gender neutral in its impact.� Experience teaches otherwise.” [3] � It is thus essential to understand gender ideology and ensure that women’s perspective is not ignored or undermined by activists working in the field of ESC rights.�

    स्रोत : hrlibrary.umn.edu

    Facts and Figures: Economic Empowerment

    When more women work, economies grow. If women’s paid employment rates were raised to the same level as men’s, the United States’ gross domestic product would be an estimated 9 per cent higher, the Euro-zone’s would climb by 13 per cent, and Japan’s would be boosted by 16 per cent.

    Facts and Figures: Economic Empowerment

    Facts and Figures: Economic Empowerment Benefits of economic empowerment

    Women’s economic empowerment is central to realizing women’s rights and gender equality. Women’s economic empowerment includes women’s ability to participate equally in existing markets; their access to and control over productive resources, access to decent work, control over their own time, lives and bodies; and increased voice, agency and meaningful participation in economic decision-making at all levels from the household to international institutions.Empowering women in the economy and closing gender gaps in the world of work are key to achieving the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development [1] and achieving the Sustainable Development Goals, particularly Goal 5, to achieve gender equality, and Goal 8, to promote full and productive employment and decent work for all; also Goal 1 on ending poverty, Goal 2 on food security, Goal 3 on ensuring health and Goal 10 on reducing inequalities.When more women work, economies grow. Women’s economic empowerment boosts productivity, increases economic diversification and income equality in addition to other positive development outcomes.[2] For example, increasing the female employment rates in OECD countries to match that of Sweden, could boost GDP by over USD 6 trillion,[3] recognizing, however, that. growth does not automatically lead to a reduction in gender-based inequality. Conversely, it is estimated that gender gaps cost the economy some 15 percent of GDP.[4]Increasing women’s and girls’ educational attainment contributes to women’s economic empowerment and more inclusive economic growth. Education, upskilling and re-skilling over the life course – especially to keep pace with rapid technological and digital transformations affecting jobs—are critical for women’s and girl’s health and wellbeing, as well as their income-generation opportunities and participation in the formal labour market. Increased educational attainment accounts for about 50 per cent of the economic growth in OECD countries over the past 50 years.[5] But, for the majority of women, significant gains in education have not translated into better labour market outcomes.[6]Women’s economic equality is good for business. Companies greatly benefit from increasing employment and leadership opportunities for women, which is shown to increase organizational effectiveness and growth. It is estimated that companies with three or more women in senior management functions score higher in all dimensions of organizational performance.[7]

    The world of work

    Gender differences in laws affect both developing and developed economies, and women in all regions. Globally, over 2.7 billion women are legally restricted from having the same choice of jobs as men. Of 189 economies assessed in 2018, 104 economies still have laws preventing women from working in specific jobs, 59 economies have no laws on sexual harassment in the workplace, and in 18 economies, husbands can legally prevent their wives from working. [8]Women remain less likely to participate in the labour market than menaround the world. Labour force participation rate for women aged 25-54 is 63 per cent compared to 94 per cent for men. [9] When including younger (aged 15 years and up) and older women (aged 55 and up) , in 2018 women’s global labour force participation rate is event lower at 48.5 per cent, 26.5 percentage points below that of men.[10]Women are more likely to be unemployed than men. In 2017, global unemployment rates for men and women stood at 5.5 per cent and 6.2 per cent respectively. This is projected to remain relatively unchanged going into 2018 and through 2021.[11]Women are over-represented in informal and vulnerable employment. Women are more than twice as likely than men to be contributing family workers.[12] From the latest available data, the share of women in informal employment in developing countries was 4.6 percentage points higher than that of men, when including agricultural workers, and 7.8 percentage points higher when excluding them.[13]Globally, women are paid less than men. The gender wage gap is estimated to be 23 per cent. This means that women earn 77 per cent of what men earn, though these figures understate the real extent of gender pay gaps, particularly in developing countries where informal self-employment is prevalent.[14] Women also face the motherhood wage penalty, which increases as the number of children a woman has increases.[15]Women bear disproportionate responsibility for unpaid care and domestic work. Women tend to spend around 2.5 times more time on unpaid care and domestic work than men.[16] The amount of time devoted to unpaid care work is negatively correlated with female labour force participation.[17]Unpaid care work is essential to the functioning of the economy,but often goes uncounted and unrecognized.[18]. It is estimated that if women’s unpaid work were assigned a monetary value, it would constitute between 10 per cent and 39 per cent of GDP.[19]Women are still less likely to have access to social protection. Gender inequalities in employment and job quality result in gender gaps in access to social protection acquired through employment, such as pensions, unemployment benefits or maternity protection. Globally, an estimated nearly 40 per cent of women in wage employment do not have access to social protection.[20]

    स्रोत : www.unwomen.org

    Theoretical Perspectives on Gender and Development

    Theoretical Perspectives on Gender and Development

    Edited by Jane L. Parpart,

    M. Patricia Connelly,

    and V. Eudine Barriteau

    Published by the International Development Research Centre

    PO Box 8500, Ottawa, ON, Canada K1G 3H9

    © Commonwealth of Learning 2000

    Legal deposit: 2nd quarter 2000

    National Library of Canada

    ISBN 0-88936-910-0

    The views expressed are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily represent those of the International Development Research Centre. Mention of a proprietary name does not constitute endorsement of the product and is given only for information. A microfiche edition is available.

    The catalogue of IDRC Books and this publication may be consulted online at http://www.idrc.ca/booktique.



    — Anneli Alba v


    — Jane L. Parpart, M. Patricia Connelly, and V. Eudine Barriteau




    Chapter 1 Why Theory?

    — Barbara Bailey, Elsa Leo-Rhynie, and Jeanette Morris


    Chapter 2 Why Gender? Why Development?

    — Rhoda Reddock 23

    Chapter 3 Feminism and Development: Theoretical Perspectives

    — M. Patricia Connelly, Tania Murray Li, Martha MacDonald, and Jane L. Parpart


    Chapter 4 Feminist Theory and Development: Implications for Policy, Research, and Action

    — V. Eudine Barriteau


    Chapter 5 Alternative Approaches to Women and Development

    — Maxine McClean 179

    Chapter 6 The Women's Movement and Its Role in Development

    — Anne S. Walker 191

    Appendix 1 Key Concepts


    Appendix 2 Acronyms and Abbreviations


    Appendix 3 Contributing Authors



    The development debate has advanced considerably since the United Nation's First Development Decade in the 1960s, which emphasized economic growth and the "trickle-down" approach as key to reducing poverty. One of the notable advancements in the debate has been the move to consider gender equality as a key element of development. Women's concerns were first integrated into the development agenda in the 1970s. Disappointment over the trickle-down approach paved the way for the adoption of the basic-needs strategy, which focused on increasing the participation in and benefits of the development process for the poor, as well as recognizing women's needs and contributions to society. Activists articulated women's issues in national and international forums. Following these events, the women-in-development movement endorsed the enhancement of women's consciousness and abilities, with a view to enabling women to examine their situations and to act to correct their disadvantaged positions. The movement also affirmed that giving women greater access to resources would contribute to an equitable and efficient development process.

    The end of the 1970s ushered in the concern with gender relations in development. Microlevel studies drew our attention to the differences in entitlements, perceived capabilities, and social expectations of men and women, boys and girls. Contrary to the unified-household model, the household has been considered an arena of bargaining, cooperation, or conflict. Reflecting the norms, laws, and social values of society, the differences in the status of men and women have profound implications for how they participate in market or nonmarket work and in community life as a whole. These differences embody social and power relations that constitute the setting for the implementation of development programs, and these differences therefore influence program outcomes. In the 1980s and 1990s, research demonstrated that gender relations mediate the process of development. For example, analyses of stabilization and structural-adjustment policies showed that gender inequalities have an impact on the attainment of macroeconomic objectives.

    The concern with gender relations in development has strengthened the affirmation that equality in the status of men and women is fundamental to every society. And this concern has prompted us to refine our perspective on what development should be and how to bring it about efficiently. We realize that development requires more than the creation of opportunities for people to earn sustainable livelihoods — it also requires the creation of a conducive environment for men and women to seize those opportunities. Development implies not only more and better schools but also equal access to education for boys and girls. Development requires good governments that give men and women equal voices in decision-making and policy implementation. Bearing in mind the perspective that gender matters in development, we can go on to reexamine and redefine other development concerns and objectives.

    Thus, one can only agree to the advantages gained if practitioners and students of development have a grasp of the concepts, theories, and discourses that stimulate the gender debate. We will, as a result, be able to better analyze and understand gender issues and properly integrate gender interests and needs into policies and programs. Concepts and ideas — such as feminism, gender analysis, diversity, and gender mainstreaming — that have become buzz words in the development circle will be clarified and demystified. This will foster effective communication among development agents and result in a consistent view of overall development goals and in complementary, rather than contradictory, plans of action.

    स्रोत : www.idrc.ca

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